Obama’s American Socialism: Decades In The Making, Part III

Author’s Note:

Barack Obama, Michelle Obama and their left-wing radical cronies are an ever expanding black hole of negativity, anti-American and anti-Semitic viewpoints, and radical re-education of our children toward socialism.  That being said, it has been almost impossible to go into every single association and relationship these two have had without writing article after article.  In this last article in the series, I am going to try to show the trail of the money; where it came from and where it went.  Follow the money, follow the cover-up; you will find the crime.  This particular article is about who and what are behind Obama.  His ascension to power will be covered as it incorporates into the background of hidden figures.

If these three articles are not enough to swing your vote to the patriotic, common sense, moderate ticket of McCain/Palin, I do not know what will.  And for those of you that think socialism is a thriving political dynamic, better start looking at all the countries that have suffered using it.

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Now back to the timeline of Obama’s political ascension starting with Alice Palmer, another socialist.

In the mid-1990s, Palmer attended a number of political meetings at the Chicago-area home of her friends and ideological allies, former Weatherman terrorists Bill Ayers and his wife Bernardine Dohrn. At those gatherings, Palmer developed a friendly relationship with another attendee, a young aspiring politician named Barack Obama.

The Pro-Soviet Alice Palmer Paves Obama’s Path to Elected Office:

A notable attendee at the aforementioned political gatherings which Ayers and Dohrn hosted on behalf of Obama in the mid-1990s, was Democratic state senator Alice J. Palmer (of Illinois’ 13th District), who quickly developed a friendly relationship with Obama. Prior to her stint in politics, Palmer had worked for the Black Press Institute and was editor of the Black Press Review. During the Cold War, she supported the Soviet Union and spoke against the United States. In the 1980s she served as an executive board member of the U.S. Peace Council, which the FBI identified as a Communist front group (and which was an affiliate of the World Peace Council, an international Soviet front). Palmer participated in the World Peace Council’s Prague assembly in 1983 — just as the USSR was launching its “nuclear freeze” movement, a scheme that would have frozen Soviet nuclear and military superiority in place.

State senator Palmer was instrumental in Obama’s entry into politics. In 1995 Palmer decided to pursue an opportunity to run for a higher office when Mel Reynolds, the congressman from Illinois’ 2nd District, resigned from the House of Representatives amid a sexual scandal involving him and an underage campaign volunteer. As Palmer prepared to leave the state senate, she hand-picked Obama as the person she most wanted to fill her newly vacated senate seat. Toward that end, she introduced Obama to party elders and donors as her preferred successor, and helped him gather the signatures required for getting his name placed on the ballot.

Obama Betrays Palmer:

But in November 1995, Jesse Jackson, Jr. defeated Palmer in a special election for Reynolds’ empty congressional seat. At that point, Palmer filed to retain the Democratic nomination for the state senate seat she had encouraged Obama to pursue; that seat would be up for grabs in the November 1996 elections. She asked Obama to politely withdraw from the race and offered to help him find an alternative position elsewhere.

But Obama refused to withdraw, so Palmer resolved to run against him (and two other opponents who also had declared their candidacy) in the 1996 Democratic primary. To get her name placed on the ballot, Palmer hastily gathered the minimum number of signatures required. Obama promptly challenged the legitimacy of those signatures and charged Palmer with fraud. A subsequent investigation found that a number of the names on Palmer’s petition were invalid, thus she was knocked off the ballot. (Names could be eliminated from a candidate’s petition for a variety of reasons. For example, if a name was printed rather than written in cursive script, it was considered invalid. Or if the person collecting the signatures was not registered to perform that task, any signatures that he or she had collected likewise were nullified.)

Obama also successfully challenged the signatures gathered by his other two opponents, and both of them were disqualified as well. Consequently, Obama ran unopposed in the Democratic primary and won by default.

“I liked Alice Palmer a lot,” Obama would later reflect. “I thought she was a good public servant. It [the process by which Obama had gotten Palmer’s name removed from the ballot] was very awkward. That part of it I wish had played out entirely differently.”

Obama also successfully challenged the signatures gathered by his other two opponents, and both of them were disqualified. As a result, Obama ran unopposed in the Democratic primary and won by default.

Enter “The New Party”.  For those of you that don’t know that this party has since been dissolved; it has moved to New York and is now The Working Families Party using fusion election voting.  WFP is a front group for ACORN.  That’s convenient isn’t it?  Is everybody starting to see how far the roots of the poison tree actually go?

Endorsement by the New Party:

In 1995 Barack Obama sought the endorsement of the so-called New Party for his 1996 state senate run. He was successful in obtaining that endorsement, and he used a number of New Party volunteers as campaign workers. By 1996, Obama had become a member of the New Party.

Co-founded in 1992 by Daniel Cantor (a former staffer for Jesse Jackson‘s 1988 presidential campaign) and Joel Rogers (a sociology and law professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison), the New Party was a Marxist political coalition whose objective was to endorse and elect leftist public officials — most often Democrats. The New Party’s short-term objective was to move the Democratic Party leftward, thereby setting the stage for the eventual rise of new Marxist third party.

Most New Party members hailed from the Democratic Socialists of America and the militant organization ACORN. The party’s Chicago chapter also included a large contingent from the Committees of Correspondence, a Marxist coalition of former Maoists, Trotskyists, and Communist Party USA members.

The Marxist Carl Davidson and the 1996 State Senate Race:

Another key supporter of Obama’s 1996 state senate campaign was Carl Davidson, a Marxist who in the 1960s had been a national secretary of Students of a Democratic Society and a national leader of the anti-Vietnam War movement. In 1969 Davidson (along with Tom Hayden) helped launch the “Venceremos Brigades,” which covertly transported hundreds of young Americans to Cuba to help harvest sugar cane and interact with Havana’s communist revolutionary leadership. (The Brigades were organized by Fidel Castro‘s Cuban intelligence agency, which trained “brigadistas” in guerrilla warfare techniques, including the use of arms and explosives.)

In 1988 Davidson founded Networking for Democracy (NFD), a program encouraging high-school students to engage in “mass action” aimed at “tearing down the old structures of race and class privilege” in the U.S. “and around the world.” In 1992 he became a leader of the newly formed Committees of Correspondence, a Marxist coalition of former Maoists, Trotskyists, and members of the Communist Party USA. In the mid-1990s Davidson was a major player in the Chicago branch of a Marxist political coalition known as the New Party, whose endorsement Obama actively sought — and received — for his Illinois state senate run in 1996. Moreover, Obama used a number of New Party volunteers as campaign workers.

Democratic Socialists of America Endorse Obama:

Obama’s 1996 senate campaign also secured the endorsement of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), the largest socialist organization in the United States and the principal U.S. affiliate of the Socialist International. Obama’s affiliation with DSA was longstanding, as evidenced by his reference, in Dreams From My Father, to the fact that during his student years at Columbia University he “went to socialist conferences at Cooper Union,” a privately funded college for the advancement of science and art. From the early 1980s until 2004, Cooper Union had served as the usual venue of the annual Socialist Scholars Conference. According to Trevor Loudon, guest speakers at these conferences included “members of the Communist Party USA and its offshoot, the Committees of Correspondence, as well as Maoists, Trotsyists, black radicals, gay activists and radical feminists.”  Mr. London observes that “Obama speaks of ‘conferences‘ plural, indicating [that] his attendance was not the result of accident or youthful curiosity.”

Obama won his 1996 race for the Illinois state senate in the 13th District, which mostly represented poor South Side blacks but also a few wealthy neighborhoods.

Joyce Foundation:

In 1998 Obama became a board member of the Chicago-based Joyce Foundation, which targets its philanthropy in large measure toward organizations dedicated to the agendas of radical environmentalism, “social justice,” prison reform, and increased government funding for social services, particularly for minorities. Obama would remain a board member for three years, during which time the Joyce Foundation made grants to such groups as the Chicago Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the Children’s Defense Fund of Ohio, the Jane Addams Resource Corporation, the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, the World Wildlife Fund, the National Wildlife Federation, the Sierra Club Foundation, the Natural Resources Defense Council, the Izaak Walton League of America, the Union of Concerned Scientists, SUSTAIN, the Tides Center, the Environmental Working Group, the World Resources Institute, the League of Women Voters Education Fund, the Democracy 21 Education Fund, the Brennan Center for Justice, the Brookings Institution, Alliance For Justice, the Council on Foundations, the Center for Community Change, the National Network of Grantmakers, Physicians for Social Responsibility, the U.S. Public Interest Research Group Education Fund, the Nine to Five Working Women Education Fund, the Rockefeller Family Fund, Environmental Defense and the Urban Institute.

How comforting is that?  Obama has been on how many left-wing boards?

Robert Blackwell and the Quid Pro Quo:

Shortly after Obama’s unsuccessful run for Congress in 2000, he was deeply in debt, with little cash at his disposal (his annual part-time salary as a state senator was $58,000) and a stagnant law practice that he had largely neglected during a year of political campaigning.

In early 2001 a longtime political supporter, Chicago entrepreneur Robert Blackwell, Jr., hired Obama to provide legal advice for his (Blackwell’s) growing technology firm, Electronic Knowledge Interchange (EKI). In exchange for his services, Blackwell paid Obama an $8,000 retainer each month for roughly a 14-month period — a total of $118,000.

In return for these payments, Obama pressured the Illinois state tourism board to send a $50,000 grant to EKI. He also issued a formal written request for Illinois officials to furnish a $50,000 tourism promotion grant to another Blackwell company, Killerspin, which sells equipment and apparel related to the sport of table tennis. The day after Obama wrote this letter, his U.S. Senate campaign received a $1,000 donation from Blackwell.

Killerspin would not receive the full $50,000 it was seeking that year, but only $20,000. With Obama’s help, however, the company eventually secured $320,000 in state grants between 2002 and 2004 to subsidize the table tennis tournaments it sponsored. As blogger Ed Morrissey observes: “This looks like a rather obvious quid pro quo…. In exchange for $118,000 in salary, Blackwell received $320,000 in state taxpayer money and influence at the highest level of state politics.”

Obama’s presidential campaign website reported that Blackwell in 2008 committed to raise between $100,000 and $200,000 for Obama’s White House run that year.

I have mentioned the Shadow Party; a name given to a group of organizations that have a liberal left agenda.  Let’s bring George Soros into the mix now.  I will get to all the groups he funds later; right now, The Shadow Party; and be warned, HRC supporters are NOT going to like this:

• Nationwide network of non-profit activist groups, whose agendas are ideologically to the left, which are engaged in campaigning for the Democrats
• Consists of more than five-dozen unions, activist groups, and think tanks
• Activities include fundraising, get-out-the-vote drives, political advertising, and covert operations
• Conceived and organized principally by George Soros, Hillary Clinton and Harold McEwan Ickes

The so-called “Shadow Democratic Party,” or “Shadow Party,” is a nationwide network of more than five-dozen unions, non-profit activist groups, and think tanks whose agendas are ideologically to the left, which are engaged in campaigning for the Democrats. Its activities include fundraising, get-out-the-vote drives, political advertising, opposition research, and media manipulation. The Shadow Party was conceived and organized principally by George Soros, Hillary Clinton and Harold McEwan Ickes — all identified with the Democratic Party left.

A political consultancy called the Thunder Road Group (TRG), located on the 7th Floor of the historic Motion Picture Association of America headquarters at 888 Sixteenth Street NW in Washington, DC, serves as the unofficial headquarters of the Shadow Party. Three other Shadow Party groups also lease space in the same building, including America Coming Together (ACT), America Votes, and the Partnership for America’s Families. The clustering of these groups in a building owned by the Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) is significant. The MPAA has long enjoyed a close relationship with the Democratic Party; many high-ranking Democrats have transitioned comfortably from government jobs into glamorous posts in the MPAA’s upper management.

As of August 2004, the husband-wife team of George Soros and Susan Soros had contributed $13,120,000 to Shadow Party groups and operations, second only to Soros’ longtime friend and collaborator, insurance mogul Peter B. Lewis ($14,175,000). The third leading donor was Jane Fonda ($13,085,750), followed by Hollywood producer Stephen Bing in fourth place ($9,869,014). Other major funders of the Shadow Party include the Tides Foundation and the Open Society Institute.

Please make sure to click on the links for the Tides Foundation and the Open Society Institute!

No one knows who first coined the term “Shadow Party.” In the November 5, 2002 Washington Post, writer Thomas B. Edsall wrote of “shadow organizations” springing up to circumvent McCain-Feingold’s soft money ban. Journalist Lorraine Woellert first called the Democrat network a “shadow party” in a September 15, 2003 Business Week article titled, “The Evolution of Campaign Finance?” Other journalists quickly followed suit. Some journalists refer to the Shadow Party as “the 527s” or “the 527 groups.” These terms derive from the fact that most of the non-profit groups within the Shadow Party are registered under Section 527 of the U.S. tax code. Section 527 groups face weaker regulation and looser disclosure requirements than other types of non-profit groups. Thus they are better suited for operating in the shadows, in areas of dubious legality. Section 527 groups are used for raising “soft money.” For a thorough explanation of Section 527 groups and soft money, click here.

Wall Street billionaire George Soros is the Shadow Party’s principal founder and mastermind. Clear hints of Soros’ intentions began to appear as early as the 2000 election. It was then that Soros (shouldering about one-third of the cost) sponsored the so-called “Shadow Conventions.” Organized by author, columnist, and socialite Arianna Huffington, the Shadow Conventions were media events designed to lure news crews from the real party conventions that year. Huffington held her “Shadow Conventions” at the same time and in the same cities as the Republican and Democratic Conventions, in Philadelphia and Los Angeles respectively, and featured leftwing critics of mainstream politics. The Shadow Conventions promoted Huffington’s view that neither Democrats nor Republicans served the interests of the American people any longer. In Huffington’s view, U.S. politics needed a third force to break the deadlock.

Among the issues highlighted at the Shadow Conventions were racism, class inequality, marijuana legalization and campaign finance reform. Most speakers and delegates pushed a hard-left line, accompanied by “Free Mumia” chants from the crowd and an incendiary tirade by Jesse Jackson. A former conservative, Huffington told reporters, “I have become radicalized.”

The Shadow Conventions were purely symbolic affairs. They fielded no candidates for office. However, many of Soros’ activities during the 2000 campaign went beyond symbolism. It was during the 2000 election that Soros first experimented with raising campaign funds through Section 527 groups. In preparation for the 2000 election, Soros assembled a team of wealthy Democrat donors to help him push two of his pet issues — gun control and marijuana legalization. Their donations greatly exceeded the limits on political contributions stipulated by campaign finance laws. Soros therefore laundered their contributions through Section 527 groups — dubbed “stealth PACs,” by the media of that time.

One of Soros’ stealth PACs was an anti-gun group called The Campaign for a Progressive Future (CPF). This group sought to neutralize the influence of the National Rifle Association (NRA), by targeting for defeat any political candidate, at any level, who the NRA endorsed. Soros personally seeded CPF with $500,000. During the 2000 election, CPF funded political ads and direct-mail campaigns in support of state initiatives favoring background checks at gun shows.

Soros used other 527s to agitate in favor of pro-marijuana initiatives which appeared on the ballot in various states that year. Donors to Soros’ stealth PACs during the 2000 election cycle included insurance mogul Peter B. Lewis and InfoSeek founder Steven Kirsch, both of whom would turn up as major contributors to Soros’ Shadow Party during the 2004 election season.

During the 1990s, Soros had grown close to Bill Clinton and Hillary Clinton. Their ascension to power gave him easy entreé to Washington elites of a sort he had long coveted but never enjoyed. Soros became the Clintons’ unofficial envoy to Russia and to other former Communist states. The assignment proved lucrative for him. Soros made a fortune in the so-called “Russiagate” phenomenon — the orgy of backroom “privatization” deals and Russian junk bond issues which Clinton officials such as Strobe Talbot, Al Gore and Lawrence Summers helped foster in the former USSR.

More importantly, Soros discovered in Hillary Clinton an ideological soulmate. Mrs. Clinton shared his aversion to U.S. “hegemony.” Like Soros, she sought to subordinate U.S. interests to global interests; U.S. sovereignty to global government; U.S. law to global courts; U.S. wealth to global taxation; and U.S. productivity to a scheme for global income redistribution. She also shared Soros’ hostility to Israel. Soros and Mrs. Clinton formed a friendship based upon their mutual beliefs. When the Clintons left office, Soros dedicated himself to restoring Hillary to the White House.

Soros has long experience in effecting “regime change.” He helped fund the 1989 “Velvet Revolution” that brought Vaclav Havel to power in the Czech Republic. By his own admission, he has helped engineer coups in Slovakia, Croatia, Georgia and Yugoslavia. When Soros targets a country for “regime change,” he begins by creating a shadow government — a fully formed government-in-exile, ready to assume power when the opportunity arises. The Shadow Party Soros has built in America greatly resembles those he has created in other countries, prior to instigating a coup.

At the heart of the American Shadow Party is the Center for American Progress (CAP). It was launched on July 7, 2003 as the American Majority Institute. The name was changed to Center for American Progress on September 1, 2003. The official purpose of the Center was to provide the left with a new think tank of its own. Regarding the new think tank proposed by Soros and Halperin, Hillary Clinton told Matt Bai of The New York Times Magazine on October 12, 2003, “We need some new intellectual capital. There has to be some thought given as to how we build the 21st-century policies that reflect the Democrat Party’s values.” Expanding on this theme, Mrs. Clinton later told The Nation‘s Robert Dreyfuss, “We’ve had the challenge of filling a void on our side of the ledger for a long time, while the other side created an infrastructure that has come to dominate political discourse. The Center is a welcome effort to fill that void.”

Hillary Clinton tries to minimize the depth of her involvement with the Center for American Progress. But persistent press leaks confirm that she — and not its official President, John Podesta — has ultimate authority at CAP. “It’s the official Hillary Clinton think tank,” an inside source confided to Christian Bourge of United Press International. As Robert Dreyfuss notes in The Nation, “In looking at Podesta’s center, there’s no escaping the imprint of the Clintons. It’s not completely wrong to see it as a shadow government, a kind of Clinton White-House-in-exile — or a White House staff in readiness for President Hillary Clinton.”

Dreyfuss notes the abundance of Clintonites on the Center’s staff, among them Clinton’s national security speechwriter Robert Boorstin; Democratic Leadership Council staffer and former head of Clinton’s National Economic Council Gene Sperling; former senior advisor to Clinton’s Office of Management and Budget Matt Miller; and more. Dreyfuss writes: “[T]he Center’s kickoff conference on national security in October [2003], co-organized with The American Prospect and the Century Foundation, looked like a Clinton reunion, featuring Robert Rubin, Clinton’s Treasury Secretary;  William Perry, his Defense Secretary;  Sandy Berger, his National Security Adviser; Richard Holbrooke and Susan Rice, both Clinton-era Assistant Secretaries of State; Rodney Slater, his Transportation Secretary; and Carol Browner, his EPA administrator, who serves on the Center’s board of directors.” Hillary Clinton also attended the event, Dreyfuss reports.

To develop the Shadow Party as a cohesive entity, Harold Ickes undertook the task of building a 21st-century version of the Left’s traditional alliance of the “oppressed,” the disgruntled, and the “disenfranchised.” He formed a coalition of pro-abortion activists, leftwing minority groups and leftwing labor unions. By the time Ickes was done, he had created or helped to create six new groups, and had co-opted a seventh called MoveOn.org. Together, they constitute the administrative core of the Shadow Party. They are: America Coming Together; America Votes; the Center for American Progress; Joint Victory Campaign 2004; The Media Fund; MoveOn.org; and the Thunder Road Group.

In a November 11, 2003 interview with Laura Blumenfeld of the Washington Post, George Soros described how he had jump-started the Shadow Party in the summer of 2002. The Wall Street billionaire told how he summoned a team of political strategists, activists and Democrat donors to his Southampton beach house in Long Island. According to The Washington Post, attendees included: Morton H. Halperin (Director of Soros’ Open Society Institute); John Podesta (Democrat strategist and former Clinton chief of staff); Jeremy Rosner (Democrat strategist and pollster, ex-foreign policy speechwriter for Bill Clinton, and former special advisor to Secretary of State Madeline Albright on NATO; Robert Boorstin (Democrat strategist and pollster, ex-national security speechwriter for Clinton, and former advisor to Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin); Carl Pope (ACT co-founder, Democrat strategist, environmentalist, and Sierra Club Executive Director); Steve Rosenthal (Labor leader, CEO of America Coming Together, former chief advisor on union matters to Clinton Labor Secretary Robert Reich, former Deputy Political Director under DNC chairman Ron Brown, and AFL-CIO Political Director from 1996 – 2002); Peter Lewis (major Democrat donor and insurance entrepreneur, and founder and chairman of Progressive Corporation); Rob Glaser (major Democrat donor and Silicon Valley pioneer); Ellen Malcolm (co-founder and president of ACT and founder of Emily’s List); Rob McKay (major Democrat donor, Taco Bell heir, and McKay Family Foundation President; Lewis and Dorothy Cullman (major Democrat donors, and founders of the Lewis and Dorothy Cullman Foundation in New York).

At the meeting, Soros laid out his plan to defeat President Bush. He began implementing his plan before the meeting had adjourned. Blumenfeld writes: “Standing on the back deck, the evening sun angling into their eyes, Soros took aside Steve Rosenthal, CEO of the liberal activist group America Coming Together (ACT), and Ellen Malcolm, its president. They were proposing to mobilize voters in 17 battleground states. Soros told them he would give ACT $10 million. … Before coffee the next morning, his friend Peter Lewis, chairman of the Progressive Corp., had pledged $10 million to ACT. Rob Glaser, founder and CEO of RealNetworks, promised $2 million. Rob McKay, President of the McKay Family Foundation, gave $1 million, and benefactors Lewis and Dorothy Cullman committed $500,000. Soros also promised up to $3 million to Podesta’s new think tank, the Center for American Progress.”

The Shadow Party had been born, and by late 2003 Soros issued an open call for “regime change” in the United States. “America under Bush is a danger to the world,” Soros told Laura Blumenfeld in that same November 11, 2003 interview. Toppling Bush, said Soros, “is the central focus of my life… a matter of life and death. And I’m willing to put my money where my mouth is.”

New groups are constantly being formed in the Shadow Party, while others vanish. To determine how many groups exist in the Shadow Party at any given time is difficult. Even more daunting is try to determine the purpose of each group. In some cases, groups seem to have no function other than to transfer funds from one 527 to another, perhaps in order to obscure the money trail. On December 10, 2003, for instance, a 527 group called the Sustainable World Corporation suddenly sprang into existence in Houston, Texas. Within days of its birth, it gave $3.1 million to the Joint Victory Campaign 2004, which in turn disbursed half of the payment to Harold Ickes’ Media Fund.

If you have actually read all the way through that, you are probably as amazed and shocked as I was the first time I read it.  But it tracks.  Hillary Clinton started out as Goldwater Republican, met Alinsky and became a left leaning democrat.  There is always two sides to every story, and I know that the truth is somewhere in the middle.

Let’s see how many of these you recognize immediately…?

As of 2004, an alphabetical list of Shadow Party groups included the following: Air America Radio; America Coming Together; America Votes; American Constitution Society; American Federation of Labor – Congress of Industrial Organizations; American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees; American Federation of Teachers; Anshell Media; Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now; Association of Trial Lawyers of America; Band of Progressives; Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence; Campaign for a Progressive Future; Campaign for America’s Future; Center for American Progress; Clean Water Action; Communication Workers of America; The Constitution Project; DASH PAC; Defenders of Wildlife Action Fund; Democracy for America; Democratic Governors Associations; Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee; Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee; Dog Eat Dog Films; EMILY’s List; Environment 2004; Gore/Lieberman Recount Committee; Hotel Employees & Restaurant Employees International Union; the Human Rights Campaign; INdTV; International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers; Joint Victory Campaign 2004; Laborers International Union of North American; League of Conservation Voters; New Democrat Network; The Media Fund; Media Matters for America; Million Mom March; Moving America Forward; MoveOn.org; Music for America; National Association for the Advancement of Colored People; NARAL Pro-Choice America; National Education Association; National Grassroots Alliance; National Jewish Democratic Council; National Treasury Employees Union; New American Optimists; New Democrat Network; Partnership for America’s Families; People for the American Way; Phoenix Group; Planned Parenthood; Pro-Choice Vote; Service Employees International Union; Sheet Metal Workers International Association; Sierra Club; The Thunder Road Group; United Food & Commercial Workers Union; United Progressive Alliance; USAction; Vagina Votes; Voices for Working Families; Vote for Change; Young Voter Alliance; and 21st Century Democrats.

I do not find it amazing that George Soros is involved with so many different organizations.  The massive blanket should cover whatever possible base he needs to reach.  A few more tidbits about George Soros:

In 1979 Soros founded the Open Society Fund, and since then has created a large network of foundations that give away hundreds of millions of dollars each year, much of it to individuals and organizations that share and promote his leftist philosophy. He believes that in order to prevent right-wing fascism from overrunning the world, a strong leftist counterbalance is essential. Asserting that America needed “a regime change” to oust President Bush, Soros maintained that he would gladly have traded his entire fortune in exchange for a Bush defeat in the 2004 election. In a November 2003 interview with the Washington Post‘s Laura Blumenfeld, he stated that defeating President Bush in 2004 “is the central focus of my life”. . . “a matter of life and death.” “America under Bush,” he said, “is a danger to the world, and I’m willing to put my money where my mouth is.” Claiming that “the Republican party has been captured by a bunch of extremists,” Soros accuses the Bush administration of following a “supremacist ideology” in whose rhetoric he claims to hear echoes from his childhood in occupied Hungary. “When I hear Bush say, ‘You’re either with us or against us,’ ” he explains, “it reminds me of the Germans. It conjures up memories of Nazi slogans on the walls, Der Feind Hort mit (The enemy is listening). My experiences under Nazi and Soviet rule have sensitized me.”

Soros pledged to raise $75 million to defeat President Bush in the 2004 Presidential election, and personally donated nearly a third of that amount to anti-Bush groups (see The Shadow Party). He gave $5 million to MoveOn.org, the group that produced political ads likening Bush to Adolf Hitler. He also contributed $10 million to a Democratic Party 2004 get-out-the-vote initiative called America Coming Together, whose directors include representatives from the AFL-CIO, the Sierra Club, the Service Employees International Union, and EMILY’s List. He further pledged $3 million to the Center for American Progress (CAP), a think-tank headed by former Clinton chief-of-staff John Podesta.

Ready for why Soros is backing Obama?  This is, of course, only my theory.

According to Soros, “[T]errorism is an abstraction. It lumps together all political movements that use terrorist tactics. Al Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, the Sunni insurrection and the Mahdi army in Iraq are very different forces, but President Bush’s global war on terror prevents us from differentiating between them and dealing with them accordingly. It inhibits much-needed negotiations with Iran and Syria because they are states that support terrorist groups.” “The war on terror,” adds Soros, “emphasizes military action while most territorial conflicts require political solutions. … [It] drives a wedge between ‘us’ and ‘them.’ We are innocent victims. They are perpetrators. But we fail to notice that we also become perpetrators in the process; the rest of the world, however, does notice. That is how such a wide gap has arisen between America and much of the world. Taken together, these … factors ensure that the war on terror cannot be won. An endless war waged against an unseen enemy is doing great damage to our power and prestige abroad and to our open society at home.”  (emphasis mine.)

In December of 2006, Soros met with Democratic presidential hopeful Senator Barack Obama in his New York office. Soros had previously hosted a fund-raiser for Obama during the latter’s 2004 campaign for the Senate. On January 16, 2007, Obama announced the creation of a presidential exploratory committee, and within hours Soros sent the senator a contribution of $2,100, the maximum amount allowable under campaign finance laws. Later that week the New York Daily News reported that Soros would back Obama over Senator Hillary Clinton, whom he had also supported in the past. Soros’s announcement was seen as a repudiation of Clinton’s presidential aspirations, though Soros said he would support the New York senator were she to win the Democratic nomination.

Is everybody on the same page here?  Are we all following the same mental theory as to why the Clintons are supporting Barack Obama?  So who exactly is running the Democratic Party/Progressive Socialist Party?

Two more tidbits on Israel and groups funded by Soros:

In the April 12, 2007 issue of the New York Review of Books, Soros penned an article titled “On Israel, America and AIPAC,” wherein he derided the Bush administration for “committing a major policy blunder in the Middle East” by “supporting the Israeli government in its refusal to recognize a Palestinian unity government that includes Hamas, which the U.S. State Department considers a terrorist organization.” In Soros’ calculus, “This precludes any progress toward a peace settlement at a time when progress on the Palestinian problem could help avert a conflagration in the greater Middle East.“ “Israel,” said Soros, “with the strong backing of the United States, refused to recognize the democratically elected Hamas government and withheld payment of the millions in taxes collected by the Israelis on its behalf. This caused great economic hardship and undermined the ability of the government to function. But it did not reduce popular support for Hamas among Palestinians, and it reinforced the position of Islamic and other extremists who oppose negotiations with Israel. … [Hamas] was not willing to go so far as to recognize the existence of Israel but it was prepared to enter into a government of national unity which would have abided by the existing agreements with Israel. … But both Israel and the United States seem to be frozen in their unwillingness to negotiate with a Palestinian Authority that includes Hamas. The sticking point is Hamas’s unwillingness to recognize the existence of Israel; but that [recognition] could be made a condition for an eventual settlement rather than a precondition for negotiations. … The current policy of not seeking a political solution but pursuing military escalation—not just an eye for an eye but roughly speaking ten Palestinian lives for every Israeli one—has reached a particularly dangerous point.”

Soros and his foundations have had a hand in funding a host of leftist organizations, including the Tides Foundation; the Tides Center; the National Organization for Women; Feminist Majority; the American Civil Liberties Union; People for the American Way; Alliance for Justice; NARAL Pro-Choice America; America Coming Together; the Center for American Progress; Campaign for America’s Future; Amnesty International; the Sentencing Project; the Center for Community Change; the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People Legal Defense and Educational Fund; Human Rights Watch; the Prison Moratorium Project; the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement; the National Lawyers Guild; the Center for Constitutional Rights; the Coalition for an International Criminal Court; The American Prospect; MoveOn.org; Planned Parenthood; the Nation Institute; the Brennan Center for Justice; the Ms. Foundation for Women;  the National Security Archive Fund; the Pacifica Foundation; Physicians for Human Rights; the Proteus Fund; the Public Citizen Foundation; the Urban Institute; the American Friends Service Committee; Catholics for a Free Choice; Human Rights First; the Independent Media Institute; MADRE; the Mexican American Legal Defense and Education Fund; the Immigrant Legal Resource Center; the National Immigration Law Center; the National Immigration Forum; the National Council of La Raza; the American Immigration Law Foundation; the Lynne Stewart Defense Committee; and the Peace and Security Funders Group.

After looking at that list, is it any wonder some of the groups that endorsed Obama against the American people did so?  I know that one is very obvious to the PUMAs; NARAL.  When one has a more complete picture of who and what, it begins to make more sense and previously unanswered questions are resolved.

Are you all still with me?  A few more points to be made.  Nancy Pelosi’s PAC gave campaign contributions to numerous Superdelegates that voted against their constituencies in the primary race.  If you want to see the actual people and amounts, go here. Nancy is part of the Progressive Caucus:

• Radical caucus of nearly six-dozen members of the House of Representatives
• Until 1999, worked in open partnership with Democratic Socialists of America

The Progressive Caucus is an organization of Members of Congress founded in 1991 by newly-elected House Representative Bernie Sanders (Independent-Vermont), the former mayor of Burlington and a member of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), which describes itself as “the principal U.S. affiliate of the Socialist International.”

As of April 2007, the Progressive Caucus included Sanders (who became a U.S. Senator in 2006), Senator Sherrod Brown of Ohio, and 69 members of the House of Representatives, all of them leftist Democrats and almost all in districts heavily gerrymandered to guarantee the re-election of any Democratic Party incumbent, no matter how extreme.

On November 11, 1999, the Progressive Caucus drafted its Position Paper on economic inequality. It reads, in part, as follows: “Economic inequality is the result of two and a half decades of government policies and rules governing the economy being tilted in favor of large asset owners at the expense of wage earners. Tax policy, trade policy, monetary policy, government regulations and other rules have reflected this pro-investor bias. We propose the introduction or reintroduction of a package of legislative initiatives that will close America’s economic divide and address both income and wealth disparities. … The concentration of wealth is a problem because it distorts our democracy, destabilizes the economy and erodes our social and cultural fabric.”

In order “to bring new life to the progressive voice in U.S. politics,” the Progressive Caucus has worked closely with Progressive Challenge, a project of the Institute for Policy Studies. Progressive Challenge is a coalition through which the activities and talking points of leftist groups are synchronized and harmonized with one another, producing coordinated, mutually-reinforcing propaganda from some 200 seemingly-unconnected groups.

In 2005 the Progressive Caucus crafted its “Progressive Promise” document, which advocates socialized medicine; radical environmentalism; the redistribution of wealth; higher taxes; the elimination of numerous provisions of the Patriot Act; dramatic reductions in the government’s intelligence-gathering capabilities; debt relief for poor countries; and the quick withdrawal of U.S. troops from Iraq. These measures, says the Progressive Caucus, would help “re-build U.S. alliances around the world, restore international respect for American power and influence, and reaffirm our nation’s constructive engagement in the United Nations and other multilateral organizations.” (Emphasis mine.)

Until 1999 the Progressive Caucus worked in open partnership with Democratic Socialists of America. After the press reported on this link, the connections suddenly vanished from both organizations’ websites.

Are you ready for the “names”?

As of June 2006, the following Members of Congress belonged to the Progressive Caucus: Neil Abercrombie; Tammy Baldwin; Xavier Becerra; Madeleine Z. Bordallo; Corrine Brown; Sherrod Brown; Michael Capuano; Julia Carson; Donna Christensen; William “Lacy” Clay; Emanuel Cleaver; John Conyers; Elijah Cummings; Danny Davis; Peter DeFazio; Rosa DeLauro; Lane Evans; Sam Farr; Chaka Fattah; Bob Filner; Barney Frank; Raul Grijalva; Luis Gutierrez; Maurice Hinchey; Jesse Jackson, Jr.; Sheila Jackson-Lee; Stephanie Tubbs Jones; Marcy Kaptur; Carolyn Kilpatrick; Dennis Kucinich; Tom Lantos; Barbara Lee; John Lewis; Ed Markey; Jim McDermott; James P. McGovern; Cynthia McKinney; George Miller; Gwen Moore; Jerrold Nadler; Eleanor Holmes Norton; John Olver; Major Owens; Ed Pastor; Donald Payne; Nancy Pelosi; Charles Rangel; Bobby Rush; Bernie Sanders; Jan Schakowsky; Jose Serrano; Louise Slaughter; Hilda Solis; Pete Stark; Bennie Thompson; John Tierney; Tom Udall; Nydia Velazquez; Maxine Waters; Diane Watson; Mel Watt; Henry Waxman; and Lynn Woolsey.

Are not Barney Frank and Maxine Waters on video saying that there was nothing wrong with Fannie and Freddie, and you may be asking, where does Nancy Pelosi fit into this picture?

Nancy Pelosi has represented California’s Eighth Congressional District (which includes most of San Francisco) in the House of Representatives since 1987. Her Congressional seat has been held by Democrats, without interruption, since 1949. Pelosi is a member of the socialist-leaning Progressive Caucus, to whose executive committee she was named in 2002. In January 2007 she became the first female Speaker of the House in American history.

…..

In April 2008 Pelosi traveled to Damascus to discuss foreign policy issues with Syrian President Bashar Assad. She made this trip against the wishes of President Bush, who said that it sent “mixed messages” and undermined U.S. policy in the region. “Photo opportunities and/or meetings with President Assad lead the Assad government to believe they’re part of the mainstream of the international community,” Bush explained. “In fact, they’re a state sponsor of terror.” Bush was referring to the fact that Syria was: (a) allied militarily with Iran; (b) hosting a number of Hamas and Islamic Jihad leaders within its borders; (c) supporting the insurgency against U.S. troops in Iraq; and (d) generating unrest in Lebanon.

Former State Department official Robert F. Turner saw Pelosi’s Damascus trip as a felonious violation of the Logan Act of 1798, which calls for a prison sentence of up to three years for any American, who, “without authority of the United States,” tries to influence a foreign government’s behavior vis a vis any “disputes or controversies with the United States.”

“We came in friendship, hope,” Pelosi said of her trip. She then told reporters: “[Our] meeting with the president [Assad] enabled us to communicate a message from [Israeli] Prime Minister Olmert that Israel was ready to engage in peace talks as well.” But in fact, Olmert had conveyed no such sentiment. Israel’s position remained what it always had been: its participation in peace talks with Syria was contingent upon the latter ending its support for terrorism.

Has anybody noticed that Nancy likes to use the royal “we” often?

Abortion and the Rights of the Unborn: In November 1995, September 1996, March 1997, April 2000, June 2003, and October 2003, Pelosi voted against legislation to ban (except where the mother’s safety might require it) the late-term abortion procedure commonly known as partial-birth abortion. In September 1995 she voted against banning the use of federal funds for abortions at U.S. military facilities. In June 2000 she voted in favor of permitting federal funds to pay for abortions at U.S. prison facilities. In February 2004 she voted against the Unborn Victims of Violence Act, which proposed to make it an added criminal offense for someone to injure or kill a fetus while carrying out a crime against a pregnant woman. In April 2005 she voted against notifying the parents of minors who have obtained out-of-state abortions. In December 2006 she voted NO on the Abortion Pain Bill, which sought to ensure that women seeking an abortion are fully informed regarding the pain experienced by their unborn child.

In an August 2008 appearance on the television talk show Meet the Press, Pelosi was asked when she believed human life begins. She responded:

“I would say that as an ardent, practicing Catholic, this is an issue that I have studied for a long time. And what I know is over the centuries, the doctors of the church have not been able to make that definition … St. Augustine said at three months. We don’t know. The point is, is that it shouldn’t have an impact on the woman’s right to choose.”

Pelosi is rated 100% by NARAL, indicating an uncompromising pro-choice voting record.

Does this sound like someone else we all know, and yet do not know?

Are you sitting down?  Make sure you are not drinking any kind of beverage when you read the next part.  This is where Barack Obama is more than likely going if he were to be elected, and this is the part that needs to be blogged everywhere.  This is the future staring us in the face.  Do Not Look At Barack’s Record – Look At Nancy’s.

Taxes: In March 2000 Pelosi voted NO on $46 billion in tax cuts for small businesses. In April 2001 she voted NO on eliminating the “death tax.” The following month, she voted against a tax cut package of $958 billion over 10 years. In October 2001 she voted NO on a $99 billion economic stimulus package. In April 2002 she voted against making President Bush’s 2001 tax cuts permanent. In May 2004 she voted against making permanent an increase in the child tax credit. In September 2004 she voted NO on providing a series of tax relief measures. In December 2005 she voted against retaining reduced tax rates on capital gains and dividends.

Also, please do not forget about the first bailout bill that was going to award 20% of $700 Billion to ACORN, via Nancy Pelosi and the Demorats.

Does that sound like someone who is actually trying to make an economy thrive, or does it sound like someone who is trying to encourage the economy to collapse under all the bad paper produced by the sub-prime mortgages written because of the Democratic Community Reinvestment Act which was used against the banks by ACORN?

Everybody step back and take a moment to think on this; Barack Obama is not as brilliant as he has been made out to be.  I have always said that he was a marketed and managed candidate.  A man whose past is totally shrouded with all paper trails conveniently hidden.

Nancy Pelosi has been in Congress in her seat for 21 years starting in 1987.  Weave Barack Obama’s path with Nancy’s.  He starts out as a community organizer for ACORN after being trained in the Saul Alinsky methods.  He becomes ACORN’s lawyer, at which time I theorize he came to the attention of Nancy Pelosi.  The Progressive Caucus that Nancy is part of is working with the Democratic Socialists of America who in 1996 endorse Obama’s senate campaign.  Are you connecting the dots?

THIS IS THE MOST IMPORTANT PIECE OF THE PUZZLE.  Fusion Voting:

The Working Families Party (WFP) is a front group for the radical cult ACORN. It functions as a political party in New York State and Connecticut, promoting ACORN-friendly candidates. Unlike conventional political parties, WFP charges its members dues – about $60 per year – a policy characteristic of ACORN and its affiliates.

According to the party’s Web site, WFP is a coalition founded by ACORN, the Communications Workers of America, and the United Automobile Workers. However, ACORN clearly dominates the coalition. New York ACORN leader Steven Kest was the moving force in forming the party. WFP headquarters is located at the same address as ACORN’s national office, at 88 Third Avenue in Brooklyn.

“The [Working Families Party] was created in 1998 to help push the Democratic Party toward the left,” noted the Associated Press on March 28, 2000. In pursuit of this goal, WFP runs radical candidates in state and local elections. Generally, WFP candidates conceal their extremism beneath a veneer of populist rhetoric, promoting bread-and-butter issues designed to appeal to union workers and other blue-collar voters, Republican and Democrat alike.

The Working Families Party benefits from a quirk of New York State election law, which allows parties to “cross-endorse” candidates of other parties. Thus when Hillary Clinton ran for the Senate in 2000, she ran both on the Democratic Party ticket and on the Working Families Party ticket. Of the 3.4 million popular votes Hillary received from New Yorkers, the Working Families Party delivered 103,000.

The power to grant or deny its endorsement – and the votes that go with it – gives WFP leverage over mainstream candidates. New York politicians, from Republican governor George Pataki to Democrat Senator Chuck Schumer, go out of their way to court WFP’s favor and to avoid offending the fledgling party.

“Candidates know that when they’re on our line, they’re committed to certain things,” explains Bertha Lewis, who moonlights as WFP co-chair and New York ACORN executive director. Speaking days before Hillary won her Senate seat in 2000, Lewis noted, “Hillary knows that if she wins, we’re going to be knockin’ on her door. She won’t be able to hide.” (quoted in The Village Voice, November 1-7, 2000) (Emphasis mine.)

On occasion, WFP will endorse Republican candidates who support them on specific issues. However, its candidates are overwhelmingly Democratic. Indeed, shortly after WFP’s launch in 1998, party co-founder Bob Master – who is also New York political director of the Communications Workers of America (CWA) – told the Albany Times Union, “We’re very clear that we are not abandoning the Democratic Party.” Rather, the Working Families Party is attempting to move the Democrats “toward the progressive end of the spectrum,” as another WFP organizer put it.

The strategy appears to be working. For instance, in a special May 1999 Rockland County election for an open State Senate seat, the WFP teamed up with Greens and Democrats to give a three-way endorsement to leftwing Democrat Ken Zebrowski. WFP brought in five percent of Zebrowski’s total votes, prompting Rockland county Democratic chairman Paul Adler to comment that a Green-WFP-Democrat coalition, “could help push the Democrats back to the left.”

On March 12, 2003, the New York City Council passed a resolution opposing US plans to invade Iraq. “We are sending a message to the president today, at least I am… that you can no longer use 9/11 as an excuse for war…,” declared Brooklyn Democrat and former Black Panther Charles Barron. Councilwoman Yvette Clark added, “If we’re looking for a fight, let’s fight poverty, let’s fight firehouse foreclosures, let’s fight racism and sexism.”

Foreign news services had a field day with New York’s anti-war resolution. “The 31-17 vote in the city hardest hit by the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks came after… 100,000 to 350,000 people turned out in the city last month for one of the nation’s largest anti-war demonstrations,” noted China’s Xinhua News Agency. “Local councils in more than 100 U.S. municipalities large and small have passed similar resolutions,” exulted Germany’s Deutsche Presse-Agentur. “The City Councilors believe that declaring war on another nation was not the way to solve the crisis,” reported Channel NewsAsia. “New York says no,” proclaimed the Liverpool Daily Echo in England. “The resolution backed war only if `other options for achieving UN compliance calling for the elimination of weapons of mass destruction have failed.’”

Of course, many New Yorkers opposed the resolution. Or rather, they would have opposed it had they known about it. To this day, most New Yorkers are unaware that their elected representatives ever issued such an anti-war statement. Local media downplayed the event to the point of invisibility.  (Imagine that?)

Almost alone among her media colleagues, New York Post columnist Andrea Peyser accused the City Council of “disgracing the memory of nearly 3,000 souls who perished in the World Trade Center.” Peyser lamented the blow to US troop morale in Iraq, where GIs had named a base in Kuwait City “Camp New York” in honor of the city’s sacrifice. Regarding the 31 city councilors who had voted for the resolution, Peyser wrote, “To say these people make me sick would be an insult to disease… For shame.”

Several council members publicly denounced the resolution, including Democrat Peter Vallone, Jr. of Queens, who said, “Just blocks from the Ground Zero, we debate… the financial costs of a war. What is the cost of 3,000 lives? In the next attack, when we lose 10,000 people, will that justify the cost? New York City was attacked by terrorists. Saddam Hussein supports terrorists. He is a terrorist.” In the same vein, Staten Island Republican Andrew Lanza told his fellow council members, “…I suggest that you take a walk down the street and take a long, hard look at that gaping hole in the ground, at that gaping hole in our lives…”

For the most part, however, such voices of reason were smothered in a blanket of media silence.  (Sound familiar again?)

Clearly the City Council no longer spoke for ordinary New Yorkers. An invading force had taken the city government by stealth. That force was the radical cult ACORN, operating under cover of one of its many front groups, The Working Families Party. ACORN’s invasion of New York City began in 1982, when organizer Francine Streich arrived in Brooklyn, setting up shop in the Reverend David Dyson’s Lafayette Avenue Presbyterian Church – a hotbed of inner-city activism. At that time, illegal squatters were moving en masse into the thousands of vacant buildings which the city had siezed for delinquent taxes during the fiscal crisis of the 1970s. Streich decided that squatters’ rights “was the obvious issue.”

She promptly led a sit-in at the office of Brooklyn Borough President Howard Golden, demanding that the city turn over vacant buildings to the poor. When the sit-in failed, ACORN protesters occupied 25 city-owned buildings in Brooklyn. Police raided the buildings in August 1985, arresting eleven people, including leftwing State Senator Thomas J. Bartosiewicz, a Democrat, whom police accused of striking an officer.

ACORN had lost a battle, but ultimately won the war. In subsequent negotiations, the city turned over 58 buildings to the ACORN squatters, who had now organized themselves into a so-called “collective.” Dubbed the Mutual Housing Association of New York (MHANY), ACORN’s “housing collective” was appointed to run the buildings and received $2.7 million in city loans for renovation. The city also awarded the “collective” title to the land on which the buildings stood.

In effect, ACORN’s housing collective had assumed the role of landlord, at a time when New York real estate was the hottest business in town. Unlike other landlords, however, the collective enjoyed government protection against the uncertainties of the marketplace. No matter how high the market rose, ACORN’s tenants were forbidden by law to sell their apartments at a profit. If they decided to sell, they had to sell back to the collective, at cost. The collective could thus amass renovated apartments at a fraction of their market rate. As for the tenants, they could never hope to do more than break even on their investment of time, money and labor. They were poor when they moved in, and poor when they moved out. Meanwhile, ACORN and its “housing collectives” just kept getting richer. Small wonder that Bronx housing activist Rafael Bueno later plastered his homestead with posters calling ACORN, “Bloodsuckers of the Poor.”

Encouraged by its success, ACORN took its housing war citywide, imbuing squatters with a militancy reminiscent of ACORN’s Sixties-era predecessor, the National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO). In Harlem, Brooklyn, the Bronx, the East Village and Manhattan’s Lower East Side, ACORN-led squatters clashed with police in a 15-year stand-off, in which squatters armed with bottle rockets and other projectiles barricaded their buildings against police in riot gear backed by bulldozers and armored personnel carriers. Nearly every confrontation ended in victory for ACORN. In cities across the country, ACORN activists employed similar tactics, bullying local governments into doing business with its ever-expanding network of “housing collectives.”

By the late 1990s, ACORN had sunk its tentacles deep into New York City’s housing, school and social services bureaucracies. Now it was ready to make an even bigger power play. New York State would become a testing ground for an innovative strategy, whereby ACORN would seek political power directly through the ballot box. Led by New York ACORN director Steven Kest, a coalition of unions and ACORN activists launched the Working Families Party in June 1998. In order to gain “permanent” status on the New York State ballot, a political party must win 50,000 votes. WFP accomplished this by cross-endorsing City Council Speaker Peter F. Vallone, a popular Queens Democrat who ran for governor in the November 3, 1998 election (and father of the above-mentioned Peter Vallone, Jr.). The elder Vallone lost, but his moderate Democrat politics – utterly incompatible with ACORN’s doctrine of militant class struggle – helped lure 51,325 unwitting New Yorkers into voting on the WFP line.

In the November 6, 2000 election, WFP cross-endorsed Al Gore and Hillary Clinton. WFP won 80,000 votes for Al Gore and 103,000 votes for Hillary.

During the campaign, Hillary spoke at numerous WFP events, most memorably at the party’s debut convention, held March 26-27, 2000 at the Desmond Hotel in Albany – an event which the Communist newspaper People’s Weekly World approvingly called, “a turning point in New York politics.” Before an audience packed with card-carrying members from WFP union affiliates SEIU, AFSCME, CWA, UAW, UNITE and many more, leftwing Texas activist Jim Hightower drew applause with such lines as, “They say Wall Street is whizzing. Well, yeah, it’s whizzing on you and me. Let’s call it exactly what it is – it’s class war.” After receiving WFP’s endorsement, Hillary vowed to wage a “people’s grassroots campaign.”

“[T]here have been few candidates in history more supportive of our issues than Al Gore and Hillary Clinton,” proclaimed WFP campaign literature.

Following the convention, Hillary’s rival Rudolph Giuliani commented, “That nomination [by WFP] makes our point about Mrs. Clinton being a candidate of the far left. She was trying to create this image of being this ‘New Democrat,’ this more conservative Democrat. That party is about as far left as it gets right now in the political ideology of the state.”

ACORN canvassers fanned out across the state for Hillary, embarking on a massive get-out-the-vote drive rife with the sort of voting and registration irregularities for which ACORN has become justly notorious.

In a 1993 referendum, New Yorkers voted to restrict local elected officials to two consecutive terms. The new term limits came due in November 2001, when a majority of City Council members were forced to step down. This was the moment for which the Working Families Party had been waiting. The City Council was up for grabs.

In the electoral coup that followed, thirty-eight new members took their seats in the City Council, giving the newcomers a veto-proof majority. As Steven Malanga notes in the Manhattan Institute’s City Journal, “Almost a third of the winners ran with endorsements from the extremist Working Families Party… More than 60 percent of the new councilmen had backgrounds in government, social services, or community activism…” The newcomers included Hillary’s 2000 campaign manager Bill de Blasio and Al Gore’s New York campaign manager Eric Gioia.

They also included racial incendiaries such as Charles Barron, a former Black Panther from Brooklyn. Barron lost no time arousing controversy when he declared, at an August 18, 2002 rally for slave reparations in Washington DC, “I want to go up to the closest white person and say, ‘You can’t understand this, it’s a black thing,’ and then slap him, just for my mental health.”

The New York City Council’s ACORN-led coalition has set to work turning the Big Apple into a socialist mini-state. It has pressed for a slew of laws tightening the Council’s grip over city government and stripping the mayor of executive power. Its platform calls for a rollback of Giuliani’s welfare reforms; a crackdown on New York City police, including a ban on “racial and ethnic profiling” and the appointment of a politicized Civilian Review Board newly empowered to prosecute police officers. If ACORN and its allies get their way, not only will the City Council raise corporate taxes, increase regulation and empower unions with a battery of new rights, but corporations will be forbidden by law to escape ACORN’s persecution through relocation. No corporation will be permitted to leave New York without an “exit visa” issued by the City Council.

In view of its radical agenda, the City Council’s March 12, 2003 resolution condemning the invasion of Iraq came as no surprise – at least not to anyone who had been paying attention.

In the 2004 election cycle, a new and unsettling force entered New York politics: billionaire kingmaker George Soros. A long-time resident of New York – Soros maintains an estate in Katonah (Westchester County); a beach house in Southampton (Suffolk County, Long Island); and a luxury condominum on Manhattan’s Upper East Side – Soros and his two eldest sons waded aggressively into state and local politics in 2004. The Working Families Party has cooperated closely with Soros in his intrigues.

Among the victors in New York’s 2004 election who pocketed Soros money are Central New York Democrat David Valesky, who received the legal maximum of $8,500 from George Soros and $8,500 from Soros’ son Jonathan; Bronx/Westchester Democrat Jeff Klein who accepted $8,500 from George Soros’s eldest son Robert; Bronx Democrat José Serrano, who pocketed $8,500 from George Soros and $8,500 from Robert’s wife Melissa Schiff Soros; and the New York Senate Democratic Campaign Committee, which received a $100,000 from Mr. and Mrs. Robert Soros.

The most significant – and controversial – of New York’s up-and-coming Soros courtiers is Democrat David Soares, now district attorney of Albany county. Soares’ jurisdiction encompasses the state capital, empowering him to press criminal charges at will against any and all members of the New York State government, from the governor on down – or to withhold such charges, at his discretion. In an environment as rife with corruption as Albany, Soares is now a man to be feared.

It bodes ill for New York that the new “Sheriff of Albany” – as The New York Sun dubbed Soares – owes his promotion to corrupt and illegal financing by George Soros and the Working Families Party.

The Soros-funded Drug Policy Alliance – a drug legalization lobby through which Soros often funnels political contributions – gave $81,500 to the Soares campaign. Instead of donating the money directly, however, the Drug Policy Alliance laundered Soros’ contribution through the Working Families Party – an illegal act. New York State law bars one party from funding another party’s candidate. In this case, however, authorities have shown no interest in disciplining either Soros or the Working Families Party. Perhaps state election officials fear getting on the wrong side of the new Sheriff of Albany.

“Never before, at least in my experience in New York State, has such a conscious, orchestrated, two-tiered scheme to evade the contribution limits of the election law ever been devised, let alone successfully executed,” charges James Featherstonhaugh, an attorney for the Paul Clyne campaign, which Soares defeated.

Incumbent Democrat Clyne has sued the Soares campaign for election law violations, but his legal challenge is expected to sink into the bureaucratic quicksand that swallows up most Albany scandals.

Why the sudden interest in state and local politics on the part of leftist activists such as Soros and ACORN? An article by Jim Holt which appeared in The New York Times Magazine for November 11, 2004 lamented the Democrats’ waning power in Washington, and called on leftists to take a new look at states’ rights. “The more conservatives succeed in reducing the the size and scope of the federal government, the more fiscal freedom the blue states will have to pursue their own idea of a just society,” writes Holt.

Taking a page from Governor George Wallace, who defied the federal government’s orders to segregate Alabama schools in 1963, the left appears to be seeking secure perches in state houses and county seats across the nation, from which it can safely thumb its nose at the federal government. Such a strategy would enable leftists to radicalize America from the bottom up, siezing power city by city, county by county and state by state, in a relentless, political ground war. (Sound familiar?)

ACORN and its Working Families Party are leading the way in this new movement. WFP expanded into Connecticut in 2004, and promises that it will soon set up shop in all ten states where “fusion voting” – that is, cross-endorsement of candidates by multiple parties – is still legal. Those states include Arkansas, Connecticut, Delaware, Idaho, Mississippi, New York, South Carolina, South Dakota, Utah and Vermont.

Barack Obama is a very eloquent pawn of the radical left.  In the very first Part of this series I wrote:

Barack Obama is their hand picked, groomed and marketed candidate.  This is why Hillary Clinton was destroyed by the “Democratic Party” in the primaries.  She is either too weak, too strong, too smart, or is too independent for this “new” party to achieve her election, and then control her.  On the other hand, Barack has been spoon fed these beliefs for years, and is a willing participant in the downfall of America as we know it, besides now being so far in political debt to these radical associations, even if he were to change his philosophical mindset, he will never be able to climb out of the personal hell most of us would consider that position to be.

I now believe that Hillary was passed over because this Progressive Socialist Party being led by Nancy and her associates thought Barack was a better choice to get into the White House and further their agendas.  I also believe that Nancy Pelosi has been grooming Barack for years and he will be totally indebted to her and will sign away the capitalistic America that we know.

I have stated what my mission will be after this election; I will be investigating and exposing Nancy Pelosi and the people that created the mortage meltdown and economic hurricane.  Here are two suggestions for the days leading up to the election and afterward:

1. Go to Just Say No Deal and man the phones in swing states.
2. Investigate your state and find out whether or not ACORN is pushing Fusion Elections.  Make sure to put a stop to that practice any way you can.

I thought I would leave you with this video, and a question:  What makes Chicago a great place to relocate the DNC headquarters?

Bertha Lewis, who moonlights as WFP co-chair and New York ACORN executive director:

Entire Series of articles, here.